QUOTE
Peter Damian: The only way to help the truth (I argue) is to tax everyone a small amount, in proportion to the general feeble interest in truth. Then pay someone independently to establish the truth. Universities are one example of such a tax.
In response to this I proposed an alternative example of taxation on falsity, and also propounded a process of ‘assurance of veracity’ as an alternative to the University model of expert verification.
QUOTE
Avirosa (edited): There is another, and I would argue more useful, example of an operative tax on falsity that has been in some level of effective operation for at least 800 years.
Aside from the great battles for ‘truth’ waged in mediaeval and post mediaeval Europe, which were frequently characterised by the slaughter of thousands, a rather quieter and more mundane process of ‘truth assurance’ progressed against the background of every day transactions. The need to know whether a loaf of bread contains the weight of flour that the baker claims, or that a fish is fresh from the river and not five days old, was vital information for survival in the developing exchange economies of urbanising Europe from 1000CE onwards. In response to this need for assured quantity and quality in transactions, systematised weights and measures gained legal statute and laws previously applied to personal conduct were crafted to apply to the exchange of goods. As the cost to the individual of checking the value of each exchange increased (time, requirement of specialist knowledge etc) authorities charged with providing assurance to whole societies over the quality of foods they purchased came into being.
These methods of assurance certainly developed sophistication and eventually looked to the Universities to provide scientific support for the methods of assurance employed, but the policing of the process is/ and always was dependent upon the vigilance of the ordinary person, supported by specialists working outside of academia.
Aside from the great battles for ‘truth’ waged in mediaeval and post mediaeval Europe, which were frequently characterised by the slaughter of thousands, a rather quieter and more mundane process of ‘truth assurance’ progressed against the background of every day transactions. The need to know whether a loaf of bread contains the weight of flour that the baker claims, or that a fish is fresh from the river and not five days old, was vital information for survival in the developing exchange economies of urbanising Europe from 1000CE onwards. In response to this need for assured quantity and quality in transactions, systematised weights and measures gained legal statute and laws previously applied to personal conduct were crafted to apply to the exchange of goods. As the cost to the individual of checking the value of each exchange increased (time, requirement of specialist knowledge etc) authorities charged with providing assurance to whole societies over the quality of foods they purchased came into being.
These methods of assurance certainly developed sophistication and eventually looked to the Universities to provide scientific support for the methods of assurance employed, but the policing of the process is/ and always was dependent upon the vigilance of the ordinary person, supported by specialists working outside of academia.
Some expansion:
One method of ‘assurance’ is the setting of ‘bench marks’ and the publishing by the assuring entity/agency of lists of those who meet, via testing, the standards of product or service or delivery of skill described by the appropriate bench mark. During the Medieval period assurance of quality in goods and services was driven by Craft Guilds, which responded where relevant to the setting by Civil authority of standardised weights and measures and other quality standards. Qualification, either by award from a centre of Education (Physicians and Priests !) or by completion of apprenticeship and eventual membership of a Craft Guild, provided assurance of skill and professional perspective – essentially bench marking of practitioners. Additionally, practitioners had to work with the systematic application, supported by statute, of a system of weights and measures, providing a further level of ‘assurance’. This system is what currently, in broad terms, governs all traded ‘traditional’ goods and services, in all developed countries, although a variety of ‘faith based’ services are often excluded from these systems and a double ‘unprotection’ frequently applies where charity status is accorded to the provider.
Wikipedia, in common with many Web 2.0 operations, specifically rejects the value of ‘bench marking of practitioners’, embracing what Andrew Keen calls “The Cult of the Amateurâ€. I think Keen is wrong to use “amateur†as a perjorative, because the issue is not whether an individual has achieved formal benchmarking, but whether they are engaged in activities commensurate with their skills, and are approaching those activities with the diligence common to those who have achieved formal benchmarking in a manner that is testable. There are many areas of study – Astronomy and Archaeology are notable – where amateurs continue to contribute significantly to academic endeavour; however the work of amateur practitioners in these fields is benchmarked through academic oversight and/or peer review. I think it would be more accurate to describe the problem that Keen identifies as ‘the demand for unassurance’ – a moral imperative that no ‘actor’ in the Web 2.0 dramaticon may be subject to question about their competence, something which Wikipedia codifies in AGF and other ‘rules’.
Where the service/product provider definitively rejects benchmarking of its practitioners, it is doubly important that quality assurance of the service/product is provided by expert judgement from an external source (taxed falsity), or otherwise is subject to comparison with providers who are benchmarked. In the case of online information sources it is reasonable to suggest that the entities which provide local or National ‘assurance of quality’ for goods and services, should develop comparable ‘assurance’ processes for new media. This need not be onerous, School or Examination boards could begin by publishing reviews of online resources with listings reviewing content accuracy, relevance to age/qualification level, safety of use etc.
Moving the focus from provider to consumer (or agency of consumer protection) does have the effect of reducing the impact of a moral imperative for the provider of Internet services to be truthful/accurate but in the case of Wikipedia, there is an avowed intent by the provider to avoid responsibility, in that case it is reasonable that real world Society collectively acts to provide some form of backstop from which the non expert citizen can make a judgement on what it is that is being ‘sold’ to them. Accepting this position provides direction for those who have sought to campaign about the unhealthy influence of Wikipedia and its dangers to young people in that it suggest ‘positive’ action that can be taken at a (real) social organisation level – local, State or National government level, so that rather than asking politicians and bureaucrats to accept Wikipedia as ‘evil’ (even if it is), the request can be presented as a need to provide information and guidance to consumers, rather than an overt need to ban accessibility.
A.virosa